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Thursday, 23 December 2004 |
The atmosphere of the ritual is serious, of course, but the flood of nostalgia it unleashes often washes away the sins of the past. Sepia-toned television imagery allows the subjects to attribute any shortcomings of the deceased to bad counsel or accidents of history. The death of any of these god-like figures becomes an opportunity for mere mortals to reflect upon the meaning of life, while allowing the machinery of the state to show power devolving to the mourning heirs in the most natural and reverent manner possible.
The recent death of Princess Kikuko of Japan at the age of 92 provides these same opportunities to the royal court of Japan. However, her death also presents an opportunity for a more forthcoming discussion of the Japanese Imperial family’s involvement in the prosecution of Japan’s colonial wars and the post war period.
From an occidental point of view, the death of the Princess was a mere footnote; nothing like the media deluge that would have accompanied the death of the Queen Mum of England, for example. Although the Japanese royal family doesn’t generate the same interest in this country as the House of Windsor, it can certainly be argued that the Chrysanthemum Throne of Japan is of equal, if not greater importance, to political events of the twentieth century.
So why should westerners pay attention to the death of this somewhat obscure Asian royal?
From her entry into the Japanese Imperial family as the bride of Emperor Hirohito’s youngest brother, Prince Takamatsu, Princess Kikuko was different. From her fondness for the latest western “flapper” fashions as a newlywed to her reputation for angry outbursts, Princess Kikuko was not a model of feminine subservience. Her recent decision to publish diaries written during the height of Japanese expansionism by her late husband Prince Takamatsu was perhaps one of her boldest decisions.
Publication of these diaries collectively called "Takamatsunomiya Nikki" (Prince Takamatsu Diary) has added significantly to the historical understanding of the period, which is important to international relations in the region. Even now, the traumatic events of the Japanese colonial wars are a source of great division in Asia. Anger over the Japanese occupation and the practice of forcing women to become “comfort women” (a euphemism for sex slaves) is still stoked to great effect in N. Korea, for example. As China rises as an international power, many Chinese feel that Japan has yet to express sufficient remorse for horrific events such as the Rape of Nanking.
“The Yamato Dynasty, The Secret History of Japan's Imperial Family” by Sterling and Peggy Seagrave gives us an overview of the Japanese Imperial family in the twentieth century that sheds new light on the role of the royal family. If it had not been for Princess Kikuko’s decision to publish her diaries, a piece of the puzzle would have been missing.
Since Prince Takamatsu wasn’t next in line to the throne, he viewed himself as marginal. Describing his chief responsibility as, “…to exist and do nothing bad,” Takamatsu’s perspective gives us a rare look inside the machinery of the royal court. Even while Japanese soldiers were worshipping the Emperor as a virtual deity, Takamatsu took part in the real politic of the mid-thirties, which assured a symbiotic relationship between the Imperial family and the proverbial “evil counselors.” This allowed the courtiers and the military to carry out their xenophobic project of looting and pillaging their Asian neighbors for the greater glory of the Emperor.
In “The Yamamoto Dynasty,” the Seagraves describe Takmatsu’s diaries as the revelations of, “…a man deeply pained by the absurdities of Japanese society and the birdcage role of the Imperial family.”
The book goes on to expose the fact that although much of the war booty accumulated by the Japanese army during World War II, was officially unaccounted for at the end of the war, it did, nevertheless, find its way back into the Japanese economy. Perhaps the most controversial, but logical thesis in the book is that the symbiosis between the Imperial family and their inner circle widened after the war to include the Zaibatsu industrial families and also American interests represented by General Douglas MacArthur, the House of Morgan and the nascent Central Intelligence Agency.
The evidence presented suggests that this new group conspired to disperse war booty and shield assets of the Imperial family in order create a new Japanese-American hegemony in the East, to guarantee a speedy war reconstruction effort and also to erect a bulwark against the rising tide of communism.
The diaries of Prince Takamatsu which Princess Kikuko revealed to the world show us a view from within the gilded cage of how the human symbol of the Yamamoto dynasty was manipulated to create unquestioning, patriotic and religious support for a campaign of total war.
In addition to her philanthropic work on behalf of cancer research, the Princess will also be remembered for including herself in a recent political debate over the future of the throne, According to her Associated Press obituary, “In 2002, after Crown Prince Naruhito and Princess Masako had a daughter, Kikuko was the first royal to publicly call for changes to a postwar law that allows only male heirs to assume the Chrysanthemum Throne.”
Indeed, the mourning period being observed for the Princess in advance of her Dec. 26 funeral seems to be filled with the family drama over whether Aiko, the three-year-old daughter of the Crown Prince will become the next Emperor.
How the Japanese choose to mourn the Princess could be an indication of what the future holds for the land of the Rising Sun. Will there be a greater sense of openness about the events of the past and the way they are remembered in Japan, or will a new generation of royals inhabit the same gilded cage of its’ forebears? This question is not as academic as it might seem at first blush.
The Japanese-American political economist Francis Fukuyama famously predicted at the end of the euphoric nineties that we may find ourselves at the end of history. Before we rush to embrace the notion of universal liberal democracy, however, some reflection of how we came to this point might be in order.
While the cold war may be over, and communism may be in the dustbin of history, what about the problems of extreme nationalism and neo-fascism? Something to think about as the U.S. flexes its muscles around the world and Japan ponders a return to militarism. Not all of the ghosts of the past have been exorcised. The occasion of Princess Kikuko’s passing may represent a time to ponder this.
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Tuesday, 21 December 2004 |
Most companies outsource their advertising, printing & training needs. AdHub.com makes it easy for them to research these services by comparing detailed company profiles and work portfolios. The site also features columns, press releases, jobs and a regional event calendar.
What began as a printed directory in 1993 by publisher, Walter Ketcham of Rochester, has evolved into an online resource that promotes Upstate New York as a single market with a growing reputation for world class services.
Ketcham says, "There may be bigger markets, but our creative and technical skills in Upstate New York are second to none."
"The internet has changed the way so many industries work. Today, companies are more willing to work with vendors who may be in neighboring cities. A marketing director can approve a digital photo, shot minutes earlier, from across the country. So the working distance between Buffalo, Albany & White Plains is just our own big back yard," says Ketcham.
The AdHub will continue to accept digital cards from companies in the advertising and training industry. Call 585-442-2585.
For more information, please contact:
Walter Ketcham
The AdHub (formerly AdSource)
since 1993 - Your Link to Advertising & Training Resources in Upstate New York
146 Alexander Street
Rochester, NY 14607-3655
585-442-2585
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Last Updated ( Friday, 18 May 2007 )
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Tuesday, 21 December 2004 |
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It wasn’t because of a racy video a la Paris Hilton that Mr. Getz found himself in the celebrity spotlight, however. Some taxpayers found the preservation of Getz’ salary to be just as obscene. The media whipped this into a firestorm and, voila, a star was born.
Getz became the living embodiment of the proverbial political cockroach, capable of surviving a budget holocaust, intact. Of course, there’s never just one cockroach.
As Plunkett of Tammany Hall famously stated, there’s a distinction to be made between graft and honest graft. In this same spirit, Giambra vociferously defended his patronage system as being comprised of the “best and brightest” and, therefore, thoroughly legitimate, “honest patronage.”
The legal costs that the county has picked up in connection with the defense of some of Joel’s patronage “stars,” however, suggests that Joel’s patronage system has been less than honest. Perhaps the fault lies not in these stars, but in ourselves.
Aurora Garage Scandal Legal Costs
Last year, Giambra patronage appointee Douglas Naylon faced a grand jury investigation for his role in the Aurora Garage scandal. The scandal didn’t seem to bother voters as Giambra won re-election to office handily. As an Erie County Highway Department district engineer, Naylon faced accusations of harassment, missing money and equipment, serial mismanagement, and a lack of accountability.
“We hire only the best and brightest people,” Giambra said after being questioned about his patronage hires by his opponent, Dan Ward.
As one of Giambra’s best and brightest, Naylon was extended the best private legal help that taxpayer funds could purchase. In a letter to County Legislator Al Debenedetti, County Attorney Fredrick Wolf pointed out that the county was bound to defend its employees in actions that fell within the scope of their duties and defended the action “…because it was clear to us that there is a potential of a conflict of interest which precluded our office from representing Mr. Naylon, we had no choice, as has been the case in a number of other matters, but to allow Mr. Naylon the opportunity to retain counsel of his choice at the expense of the county. Mr. Naylon opted to choose Lipsitz, Green et al.”
In a debate with Giambra last year, Ward challenged the county executive to waive immunity for himself and his cronies in the Aurora scandal. Giambra scoffed, predicting full exoneration. Of course, one year has passed, and Naylon pled guilty to charges. Guess who’s stuck with his legal bills? As Giambra said about the scandal recently, this is old news.
More Aurora Garage Scandal Legal Costs?!
While the Aurora garage scandal may be old news, perhaps voters were unaware that some of the lawsuits are just now coming to trial. One of the garage workers, Gerald Williams, has charged two other employees, Albert Coia and Christian Gerling, with harassment and assault. Since these employees were “acting within the scope of their employment,” we’re going to make the wild prediction that taxpayers will wind up paying the legal costs and damages once again. Joel’s friends and family plan might not be cheap but, then again, the crusade for true governmental reform never is, right? This, too, may be old news, but hey, it’s been a slow news week!
Furniture-gate: Fred Wolf’s Legal Eagles Fly Again
At the risk of being redundant, we remind you that handing off county cases to politically connected law firms is old news in Buffalo.
Turning government accounts over to political cronies so that they can rachet up profits for themselves and the political machine is also a very old and well-respected way of doing the people’s business in Buffalo.
So when Buffalo Office Interiors, owned by Giambra fundraising buddy, James Spano, started to come under scrutiny for overcharging the county for office furniture, the solution to this little problem was painfully obvious. It amounted to another chance to give a government handout. This time Phillips, Lytle et al. was hired as a special outside counsel. Simply admitting that his right hand man had overcharged the county and refunding the money was unthinkable. It would have amounted to political suicide. It also would have wasted a perfectly legitimate opportunity to give another government handout.
Again, DeBenedetti requested details of the deal from Fred Wolf. In his response letter, Wolf reported that the firm was paid at a reduced rate of $185 per hour for work on the case. The cost to taxpayers was a mere $ 11,375. Michael Powers, who successfully argued in favor of a Seneca casino in downtown Buffalo, took the lion’s share of the money.
In the recent budget debate, Giambra was adamant that we can and will afford this kind of patronage, come hell or high water. If he is true to his word, Giambra has now passed the halfway point in his reign as county executive. If the recent defection of his lieutenant, Carl Calabrese, is any indication, his ability to command unquestioning support of his followers may now be waning as well.
Much has been made of Joel’s imperious leadership style, but our “Joel as Caesar” photo is strictly tongue in cheek. After all, Julius Caesar was fully aware of the moment that he “crossed the Rubicon.” Unfortunately for Erie County, voters were oblivious as well.
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Last Updated ( Friday, 14 March 2008 )
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Tuesday, 21 December 2004 |
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I spent a lot of time exploring what was inside of me. I wondered what caused me to feel the need to cross again. In this inner journey, what came to me were not words, but images and feelings. When I closed my eyes, I could see Sister Dianna Ortiz as she was in 1987: young and full of life and enthusiasm for her big adventure as a missionary teacher. I could hear her laugh about the little students whom she had taught in the United States. And then I heard screams of pain, of fear, of anger. I could feel the joy being forcibly ripped away from Sister Dianna by terrible men who have never been held accountable for their crimes. One of the men was an American, who was with the CIA. Others had been trained at the School of the Americas.
Sister Dianna is only one of many who have been either tortured or killed or both by graduates of the School of the Americas.
I studied the issues, too, and this helped me make my decision to cross the fence again. This is what I found:
The United States government refuses to take responsibility for the training that has led to these terrible crimes being committed. The United States government has never asked for the curriculum of the School of the Americas and for the behavior of its graduates to be investigated by a truth and reconciliation commission. The United States government responds, not with apologies and offers of reparation, but with denials, lies, and name changes.
The United States government calls the Western Hemisphere Institute of Security Cooperation a “new school for the new century.” If that were really so, the United States government would have already set up the truth and reconciliation commission to investigate that old, discredited school. Why has that not happened?
If I were to suddenly get tired of being “Alice” and were to change my name to, say, Eleanor or Morwenna or Bridget, would I become a new person? Would my name change make me into someone whom I am not?
Can the United States, by changing the name of the School of the Americas to the Western Hemisphere Institute of Security Cooperation, make the school into something that it is not?
I don’t believe that the country that denies the prisoners of Guantanamo prisoner of war status so that it can hold them for extended periods of time without pending charges is capable of teaching human rights to Latin American troops.
I don’t believe that the country that prosecutes an illegal war in Iraq is capable of teaching human rights to Latin American troops.
I don’t believe that the country that blames the prisoner abuse/torture at Abu Ghraib on its lower ranking soldiers is capable of teaching human rights to Latin American troops.
I don’t believe that the country that certified Colombia as having a clean human rights record is capable of teaching human rights to Latin American troops. Nearly all of the murders of labor union leaders in the world occur in Colombia.
Of course, Colombia has oil. Iraq has oil. I don’t believe that the country that lusts after the oil belonging to foreign countries is capable of teaching human rights to Latin American troops.
I chose to make the strongest statement that I could, to try to draw attention to a training academy that is teaching known human rights violators methods for refining their skills.
I am grateful for your support. Whatever you can do to support me as I go to trial next month will be very much appreciated.
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Tuesday, 21 December 2004 |
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For several years, Buffalo and the surrounding area has been the site of an internecine warfare between grocery stores chains. This is the third Jubilee to close this year; the stores in Orchard Park and Clarence both closed last spring. But closing at Christmas time makes the pain of losing your job even worse.
Today, the store is a shell of its former self; the corridors are mostly empty as stock is liquidated at rock bottom prices. Signs are scattered around the store reminding shoppers that, along with the 30 percent discount, the store now has a “no returns policy.” There are a couple of cashiers still working but the ambience makes you feel as if you were walking into a skeleton of a store.
The place is dark, too; only half of the store’s lights are on. Outside, the parking lot still has a few cars in it, mainly belonging to people, who are attracted by the big “Close Out Sale” sign on Kenmore Avenue. “The regular customers are gone,” said a cashier who didn’t want to be identified. “People are just picking stuff over now.” As if to emphasize the point, a mid-thirties couple is taking turns giving each other rides on shopping carts in the back of the store. They whiz down the lonely aisles like out-of-control five year olds. Somehow, I can’t see them doing this a month and a half ago when the store was crowded, noisy, and lit up.
“Some of us are applying at other stores,” says the cashier, ringing out my close-out carpet cleaner, “but it is kind of sad.” More than 70 people used to work together here. The United Food and Commercial Worker’s union representative Mike Manna summed it up, “There are a lot of ways that this is sad, but the biggest thing is that these were good jobs with guaranteed raises and health care benefits, and those jobs are harder to find these days.” Beyond that, the place was known as a good place to work, with an owner, Mike Fabiniak, whom many people agreed was a “stand -up guy.” Workers and management had pulled together to try to save the store some time ago, but they were ultimately unsuccessful.
Calls to the City of Buffalo and the Town of Tonawanda made it clear that both cities were aware of the closing, but only in an absent minded way. People either didn’t know what I was talking about or knew it only vaguely. For the people who worked there and for well-liked local owner Mike Fabiniak, their store is ending with a sigh. I will miss it, and I will now be driving a little farther to get my groceries. So will my whole neighborhood.
The UFCW is working with workers to help them find work at some of the other unionized grocery chains, such as Tops. “The thing is, when you shop at a non-union place such as Wegman’s or Aldi’s, you support forcing down your neighbors’ standard of living,” adds Mike Manna. So think about that as you shop for eggnog and candy canes during this holiday season.
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